Here is a summary of short political and philosophical op-eds written by the French philosopher, journalist and professor Alain (1868-1951). They have been gathered thematically by the French publishing house Folio Essais.

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Introduction – The State’s origin

12 April 1930:

• Communism is an utopia, because it is based on an ideal of fraternity.
• True fraternity relies on blood ties. And, even in the existence of blood ties, sacrifice for one’s fellow beings is not guaranteed.
• It is impossible to imitate a natural and instinctive feeling, such as fraternity, solely with the help of reason as the communist regime sought to do.

22 July 1908:

• Fear brings men together, while desire drives them apart.
• Societies exist, because individuals fear the night. This fear forces them to come together and organise to ensure that some stay awake to protect those to sleep.
• The fear of death and of ghosts has led to the creation of religions.
• These two fears (night and death) have entailed that the two core elements of each society are : barracks and temples.

Powers against citizens

1. The leader corrupted by power

21 December 1929:

• One’s daily activities (police officer, doctor, politician, construction worker…) influence one’s ideas about how society should be. Men think according to their jobs.
• To genuinely understand, establish and uphold a “dictatorship of the proletariat”, one’s daily activities have to be that of a proletarian.
• However, once in power, Marxists lose contact with the proletarian reality. They become and think as men of power, and no longer as proletarians.

February 1932:

• No one should trust any kind of leader, for this leader will be a tyrant if he has the opportunity to.
• Influential public speakers always begin as equals, addressing their peers. However, cheering and hoorays delude them into believing in their own superiority.
• Leaders become tyrants due to self-certainty and power intoxication.
• True democracy can only exist if leaders forsake glory, love justice, and preserve freedom of opinion.

13 July 1921:

• No one is inherently good or bad, trustworthy or dishonest, pacifist or aggressive.
• One’s title, rank or power will corrupt them immediately. Therefore, there is no point in appointing so-called “good men” to positions of power.
• Any pacifist, who ends up in power, will prepare and wage war in the absence of counter-powers.

2. The leader inherently bad

15 November 1911:

• Three characteristics of bad leaders:
  • They are slaves to their passions;
  • They force others to comply with their whims;
  • They believe themselves to be good leaders who must contend with others’ whims.
• Three characteristics of good people i.e. just and peaceful people:
  • They don’t act with the same assurance as bad people;
  • They are content with what they have and simply ask for peace;
  • They are sensitive to criticism and tend to exaggerate their smallest flaws.
• Bad leaders are liked when they refrain from doing all the harm they could. Good people regard even a smile or a compliment from them as a rare blessing.

10 December 1935:

• Power belongs to those who seek it.
• Wise and just people have no desire to rule others; governing their own lives is enough for them.
• Malicious people, however, are often over-represented in positions of power.
• Never has a wise person – who does not seek power – ever been begged to become a ruler.

April 1926:

• Wielding power means fearing neither suffering nor inflicting it.
• A malicious leader never shows signs of weakness – no worry, surprise or regret – and never tolerates criticism or disrespect. By acting this way, they strive to crush any glimmer of hope in their subjects’ minds, for hope would only make them stronger.
• A malicious leader is violent, but always with cold calculation and premeditation.

3. The State invasive by function

3 November 1923:

• Rulers prioritise their own affairs over those of others.
• Citizens’ personal endeavours are often thwarted by public authorities who themselves enjoy almost full freedom of action.
• Security and public power always take precedence: “We have no choice”, rulers claim.

4. The administration parasitic by interest

5. The elite corrupted by its selection

6. The corruption of writers

7. The corruption of parliamentarians

The objection of competence

1. The indignation of those with competences

2. The people’s superiority

3. The general interest, a mask for personal interest

4. The absurd dream of a rationalised order

5. The position of leader doesn’t lie in competences

6. Competence echoes with incompetence

7. Those lacking competence can control those with competence

The State’s ambiguity

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Citizens against powers

1. To obey without respecting

2. To accept the necessary order without adoring it

3. The rejection of power

4. The public opinion’s power

5. The public opinion’s ambiguity

Democracy as an institutionalised counter-power

1. The control

2. The necessary independence of parliamentarians vis-à-vis political parties

3. The legislative power of parliamentarians?

Political action

1. Political judgment and the common opinion

2. Political action and reality

3. Revolution or reform

The radical spirit

1. Equality

2. The primacy of the individual

3. Free judgment

Conclusion – The truth on political doctrines

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