Here is a summary of “Propos sur le Pouvoir” by the French philosopher, journalist and professor Alain (1868-1951). These short political and philosophical op-eds have been gathered thematically by the French publishing house Folio Essais.

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Introduction – The State’s origin

12 April 1930:

• Communism is an utopia, because it is based on an ideal of fraternity.
• True fraternity relies on blood ties. And, even in the existence of blood ties, sacrifice for one’s fellow beings is not guaranteed.
• It is impossible to imitate a natural and instinctive feeling, such as fraternity, solely with the help of reason as the communist regime sought to do.

22 July 1908:

• Fear brings men together, while desire drives them apart.
• Societies exist, because individuals fear the night. This fear forces them to come together and organise to ensure that some stay awake to protect those to sleep.
• The fear of death and of ghosts has led to the creation of religions.
• These two fears (night and death) have entailed that the two core elements of each society are : barracks and temples.

Powers against citizens

1. The leader corrupted by power

21 December 1929:

• One’s daily activities (police officer, doctor, politician, construction worker…) influence one’s ideas about how society should be. Men think according to their jobs.
• To genuinely understand, establish and uphold a “dictatorship of the proletariat”, one’s daily activities have to be that of a proletarian.
• However, once in power, Marxists lose contact with the proletarian reality. They become and think as men of power, and no longer as proletarians.

February 1932:

• No one should trust any kind of leader, for this leader will be a tyrant if he has the opportunity to.
• Influential public speakers always begin as equals, addressing their peers. However, cheering and hoorays delude them into believing in their own superiority.
• Leaders become tyrants due to self-certainty and power intoxication.
• True democracy can only exist if leaders forsake glory, love justice, and preserve freedom of opinion.

13 July 1921:

• No one is inherently good or bad, trustworthy or dishonest, pacifist or aggressive.
• One’s title, rank or power will corrupt them immediately. Therefore, there is no point in appointing so-called “good men” to positions of power.
• Any pacifist, who ends up in power, will prepare and wage war in the absence of counter-powers.

2. The leader inherently bad

15 November 1911:

• Three characteristics of bad leaders:
  • They are slaves to their passions;
  • They force others to comply with their whims;
  • They believe themselves to be good leaders who must contend with others’ whims.
• Three characteristics of good people i.e. just and peaceful people:
  • They don’t act with the same assurance as bad people;
  • They are content with what they have and simply ask for peace;
  • They are sensitive to criticism and tend to exaggerate their smallest flaws.
• Bad leaders are liked when they refrain from doing all the harm they could. Good people regard even a smile or a compliment from them as a rare blessing.

10 December 1935:

• Power belongs to those who seek it.
• Wise and just people have no desire to rule others; governing their own lives is enough for them.
• Malicious people, however, are often over-represented in positions of power.
• Never has a wise person – who does not seek power – ever been begged to become a ruler.

April 1926:

• Wielding power means fearing neither suffering nor inflicting it.
• A malicious leader never shows signs of weakness – no worry, surprise or regret – and never tolerates criticism or disrespect. By acting this way, they strive to crush any glimmer of hope in their subjects’ minds, for hope would only make them stronger.
• A malicious leader is violent, but always with cold calculation and premeditation.

3. The State invasive by function

3 November 1923:

• Rulers prioritise their own affairs over those of others.
• Citizens’ personal endeavours are often thwarted by public authorities who themselves enjoy almost full freedom of action.
• Security and public power always take precedence: “We have no choice”, rulers claim.

25 February 1933:

• What is useful is not always necessary.
• Example : a railway company might find it useful to establish a health department to oversee to its workers’ health. This health department, in turn, might deem it useful to create its own statistics service. The latter would conduct studies to know which bones are most frequently broken and where railway workers fall ill most often.
• Left unchecked, bureaucracies tend to expand, with support units absorbing ever more resources to the detriment of operational units. Each support unit will invent news purposes to justify its existence.

4. The administration parasitic by interest

2 January 1911:

• Bureaucrats form a caste whose sole purpose is to preserve its existence and expand its power.
• Whenever their prerogatives are questioned, bureaucrats claim – and ensure others repeat – that the very survival of the nation is at stake.
• Bureaucrats strive to secure ever-higher pay, create new jobs for relatives and friends, marry within their own ranks, and stifle criticism and scrutiny.

10 January 1911:

• Bureaucrats belong to a public administration that is “Too big to fail”.
• Despite public criticism and scrutiny – due to routine budget overruns and delayed projects – bureaucrats carry on with “business as usual”. They are shielded by a cumbersome, sluggish and clogged administrative and judicial system.

5. The elite corrupted by its selection

10 February 1911:

• Power inevitably corrupts the elite that wields it.
• Upon entering the public administration, one joins a world of power, privilege, and politics. Attempting to retain honesty and democratic convictions will only hinder one’s career ambitions.
• In the end, the most corrupt individuals are those who rise to the highest positions of power, for they have mastered the art of diplomacy, cultivated an administrative mindset, and become staunch defenders of tradition and bureaucratic loyalty.

3 June 1914:

• Between two equally intelligent and educated individuals, only the one who marries well, cultivates powerful connections, and learns how to scheme, flatter, and bow down will rise to power.
• A steadfast commitment to freedom of thought and moral principles, however, will bar someone from top-tier positions of power. They will remain subordinate to the ambitious and the scheming.

12 March 1914:

• Since the elite controls both power and wealth, those who strive for fame, influence and prosperity – be they artists, military officers, or business people – must compromise themselves and pay homage to the elite.

15 December 1910:

• The elite fears those who attain power by means of their work or talent, for these are the individuals capable of shaping the public opinion.
• The elite also fears the judgement of voters, the spread of education, and the awakening of critical thinking.

6. The corruption of writers

7 February 1909:

• Science and critical thinking pose the main threats to the established social order. That is why the elite relies on loyal scientists, thinkers, and writers to suppress the emergence of disruptive ideas.
• Social hierarchy is perpetuated through rituals, which individuals must observe to assert their belonging to the elite. For instance, one must attend mass, listen to academic lectures, and partake in exclusive social events.

13 April 1912:

• Ambitious young writers eager for recognition and influence seek entry into political salons.
• Political salons bring together members of the cultural, intellectual, and political elite. They share a collective disdain for workers, peasants, merchants, leftist journalists, parliamentarians, and ministers.
• Should a parliamentarian or minister join a political salon, they respond to the contempt directed at them by displaying even greater disdain for their fellow parliamentarians or ministers.

9 March 1908:

• To succeed, an ambitious and talented young intellectual must cultivate the right connections: people with wealth and influence whose opinion are widely heeded.
• In return, the young intellectual must be “polite” i.e. forsake their freedom of thought and their original convictions about justice, tradition, and wealth.

7. The corruption of parliamentarians

11 May 1914:

• Violence is permanent, though invisible, within the elite.
• It materialises through disdain, insult, and slander.
• Threats to one’s reputation serve to enforce order and foster submissiveness.

The objection of competence

1. The indignation of those with competences

2. The people’s superiority

3. The general interest, a mask for personal interest

4. The absurd dream of a rationalised order

5. The position of leader doesn’t lie in competences

6. Competence echoes with incompetence

7. Those lacking competence can control those with competence

The State’s ambiguity

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Citizens against powers

1. To obey without respecting

2. To accept the necessary order without adoring it

3. The rejection of power

4. The public opinion’s power

5. The public opinion’s ambiguity

Democracy as an institutionalised counter-power

1. The control

2. The necessary independence of parliamentarians vis-à-vis political parties

3. The legislative power of parliamentarians?

Political action

1. Political judgment and the common opinion

2. Political action and reality

3. Revolution or reform

The radical spirit

1. Equality

2. The primacy of the individual

3. Free judgment

Conclusion – The truth on political doctrines

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